Saturday, March 28, 2009

The Neologistic Ecranche

Modern writers frequently refer to this sort of shield as an écranché shield.

However, I've yet to see a pre-1600 source that used the term to describe a shield. This sort of shield was however, not infrequently called a targe or some variation of the term, as opposed to shield or escu. In Froissart's account of the announcement of the jousts at St. Inglevert, the defenders state that "outside of our tents will be hung our shields, blazoned with our arms; that is to say, with our targets (targes) of war and our shields (escus) of peace. Whoever may choose to tilt with us has only to come, or send any one, the preceding day, to touch with a rod either of these shields, according to his courage. If he touch the target, he shall find an opponent ready on the morrow to engage him in a mortal combat with three courses with a lance : if the shield, he shall be tilted with a blunted lance; and if both shields are touched, he shall be accommodated with both sorts of combat." Here is a 15th c. illumination of Froissart, illustrating the jousts. A joust with sharp lances is shown: the illustrator has depicted the targe of war as concave with a notch for the lance, exactly what modern writers call an écranché shield, the other form hung from the tents is the older "heater" shape.

I should emphasize that in the context of the St. Inglevert, the “targe of war” was used for jousts with sharp lances and the “shield of peace” for jousts with blunt coronels. This did not necessarily mean that the targe of war was typical battlefield equipment.

The Gladiatoria fechtbuch also illustrates a small version of the écranché shield, and calls it a tartschen.

I don't wish to imply that all medieval writers were consistent and rigorous in using targe and shield to distinguish between the concave shield and the convex heater form. However, it is a convenient way to make the distinction that is consistent with period practice and uses English words.

It also allows us to recognize the significant category of jousting targes that were convex but without a cutout for the lance.

Although most often depicted as jousting equipment, the concave targe was also shown being used for single combat on foot, both in Gladiatoria and the Codex Wallerstein.

At least one illumination shows one being used in battle on foot, in BL Royal 20 C. VII. My line drawing of the scene is reproduced here on page 154.

Thursday, March 12, 2009

Jeff Wasson in the WSJ

The work of Jeff Wasson,an armorer that some of my readers will recognize, appeared in the Spring 2009 issue of the WSJ. magazine. Their website has an online version of the article as well as a video of Jeff at work.

Friday, March 06, 2009

The Seneschal of Hainault Challenges the Knights of the Garter, 1408

Jean de Verchin, Seneschal of Hainault, was one of the more strenuous knights of the early 15th c. In 1408 he wrote to Henry IV of England, offering to perform a deed of arms against three or more Knights of the Garter, who are described as noble successors to Arthur’s Knights of the Round Table. He offered first to meet any members of the order who wished for twelve strokes of the sword on horseback with saddles of war without retreat, with the combatants able to strike the front or back of their adversary at their advantage.

That done, the next day he proposed to be ready to exchange a dozen blows with the sword on foot with any members of the Order of the Garter who wished to do so “a deux reprinses”. I read this as meaning that during the twelve blows struck on either side there would be two opportunities to retreat and reenter the combat.

The following day he would be ready to similarly exchange another twelve strokes with the axe with the Garter Knights who wished to do so, to be struck to the lower edge of the coat of plates or higher. All the aforesaid weapons would be of equal length, which he would provide by means of his herald.

Henry IV courteously thanked the seneschal for his letter. However, he said, in times past it was not the custom for all of the Knights of the Round Table to fight together against a single foreign knight. To the contrary, you will find it written in many places that they would fight alone against ten, twenty, thirty or forty foreign knights, and depart with honor with no other help than God and the high prowess of their heart. He had not the slightest desire to change this custom.

However, given the high resolve of the seneschal and for various other reasons it seemed fitting to allow a single member of the Order of the Garter to deliver him of his enterprise. He directed that the appropriate arrangements be made.

" Seeing that the beauteous ladies of our kingdom would be highly indignant to think that none of our knights were sufficiently bold for their love to encounter and give all the satisfaction he might desire to any stranger knight, just as your ladies would feel towards your knights, so we, being anxious with all our hearts to earn their goodwill and sweet favour, and to avoid their resentment, as you would do that of your ladies, think that this our answer should prove satisfactory to you."

Sunday, March 01, 2009

Recreating William Marshal Tourneys

Steve Muhlberger describes a recreation of a William Marshal style tournament within the context of the SCA here.

I would suggest some modifications. First, let those who are “disarmed” hold their weapons reversed to make their status clear. Second, let their be only two teams rather than four, but let each team be composed of at least two retinues, (Which were also called routes or conrois, and might be translated as troops)

Although each retinue wants its own team to win, since it increases their chance of taking ransoms, their primary loyalty is to each other first and the whole team second.

Let the ransoms be settled in token coinage: let us call the smallest coin a florin. This might be part of a charity or find-raising drive. For example, for a toys-for-tots tournament, each toy donated is exchanged for two florins. Alternatively, cash donations could be converted into florins at a fixed rate. If not intended as a fund-raiser, each entrant in the tourney might be issued an initial stake of coins, with the option of purchasing more if they run low. In either case, the florins would not be redeemable for cash.

Here is a Yahoo group “to discuss techniques of recreation of period coinage and SCA coinage practices.” Here is a source for reproduction medieval coins in base metal.

Suppose the standard ransom is two florins and twice that for a knight. Half of each fighter’s initial stake goes into the retinue treasury. The treasury receives half of the ransoms gained by members of the retinue and pays half of their ransoms. At the end of the tourney any funds in the retinue treasury are redistributed to the members of the retinue.

At each of the two refuges let there be an exchequer table, with all the retinues of one team and their individual members listed on one side, and those of the other team on the other. At refuge A, where team A takes their captives, the initial stake of each individual and retinue of Team B starts on Team B’s side of the table, and vice versa at refuge B. As ransoms are paid they are shifted from debtor to creditor.

It may happen that the same person is both captor and captured several times, so periodically a messenger should be sent with Team A’s winnings and an accounting of which retinues and individuals gained them to replenish their accounts at Refuge B, and vice versa.

Note that under these rules it isn’t sensible to fight to the bitter end when your team is going down to defeat: it’s better for a retinue or individual to retreat to their safe zone if they can.

The fighting can ebb and flow over the course of the day, depending on the fortunes of war and the exhaustion of the combatants. The marshal in charge should be alert to the desirability of calling truces if too many fighters are lying panting in the neutral ground with their helmets off, so that the fighting can continue later with both sides refreshed and at full strength. Likewise, he should judge with care when it might be best to end the combat for the day so that there are still a reasonable number of fighters on the field and the tourney does not end in anti-climax.

After the fighting is done the participants can gather to reckon their gains and losses. There are a number of ways you can let the victors spend their winnings and return the coinage to the event’s host for reuse in later events of this sort: games of chance to increase or lose their winnings, refreshments or special dishes at the feast for themselves and their chosen companions, minstrels and musicians and heralds to celebrate their prowess and open handed largess. At one such event we set up a merchant’s table, stocked with spices, fabrics and other goods that the contestants could purchase with their coins, choosing in the order of the size of their purse.

To recreate the feel of a 12th century tournament requires a large field with ample room to maneuver. The recreations hosted by Steve Muhlberger ranged over something like 15 acres, which feels about right. The recreation also works best with large numbers of combatants. I ran one of these with about eight combatants on each side, and felt the experience would have been greatly enhanced by larger numbers. 12th century accounts describe tourneys with hundreds of knights on each side, and it would be a joy and delight to see such a deed of arms recreated on that scale.

These tourneys were mounted combats. If you are trying to recreate them on foot, you may want to insist that all blows must be stuck while the striker is in motion. Then again, you may not.

Recreating a 12th c. mounted tournament without horses will require compromises. Understand that if you are attempting such a recreation with rules to make it more like mounted combat, you may end up in Monty Python territory. With coconuts. The success of rules to mimic the characteristics of mounted combat depends very much on the willingness and ability of your participants to suspend disbelief.

Update: Steve Muhlberger, who has run a lot more of these than I have, has some valuable observations in the comments below. He makes a strong argument for at least four different refuges. I dislike the idea of more than two teams fighting every team for itself as a matter of historical recreation, but perhaps a separate refuge for each retinue might serve the same purpose

Thursday, February 26, 2009

Judicial Duels

Trial by Combat: Judicial duels in England and Scotland

Translation of Discours sur les duels de Brantôme.

Henry Charles Lea's Superstition and Force, 1878 (Thanks to Ariella Elema for pointing me to this.)

In the regulations of Philippe le Bel, 1306, it is set forth:—

"That the lists shall be forty feet in width and eighty feet in length.

"That the duel shall only be permitted when there is presumptive evidence against the accused, but without clear proof.

"That on the day appointed the two combatants shall leave their houses on horseback, with visor raised ; their sabre, sword, axe, and other reasonable arms for attack and defence being carried before them ; when they shall advance slowly, making from step to step the sign of the cross, or bearing an image of the saint to whom they are chiefly devoted and in whom they have most confidence.

“That having reached the enclosure, the appellant, with his hand on his crucifix, shall swear on his baptismal faith, on his life, his soul, and his honour, that he believes himself to have got a just subject of contention, and moreover that he has not upon him, nor upon his horse, nor among his arms, any herbs, charms, words, stones, conjurations, pacts, or incantations that he proposes to employ; and that the respondent shall take the same oaths.

" That the body of the vanquished man, if he is killed, shall be delivered to the marshal, until the king has declared if he wishes to pardon him or to do justice upon him ; that is to say, hang him up to a gibbet by one of his feet.

" That if the vanquished man still lives, his aiguillettes shall be cut off; that he shall be disarmed and stripped ; that all his harness shall be cast here and there about the field ; and that he shall remain lying on the ground until the king, in like manner, has declared if he wishes to pardon him or to do justice upon him.

"That, moreover, all his property shall be confiscated for the benefit of the king, after the victor has been duly paid his costs and damages."

Old and new Paris: its history, its people, and its places by H Sutherland Edwards; London : Cassell and Co., 1893.

And one of their councilors will give them their lance on their thigh, and if the combat is to be fought on foot, a lance in their hand, as well as a small shield (targon) and an axe.

Traicte de la Forme et Devis Comme On Faict les Tourneys, par Olivier de la Marche, Hardouin de la Jaille, Anthoine de la Sale, etc. Bernard Prost, ed. Paris 1878 pp. 164-165 Translation by Will Mclean, 2009

Tuesday, February 24, 2009

15th Century German Tournament Rules

An article from the Journal of Sport History.

These present an interesting comparison to King Rene’s rules and those implied by de Charny’s questions. In the 1479 rules horses may be seized for ransom. “When the tournament is started everybody shall draw his sword and aim at the crest of his opponent; and not at parts where he is unarmed.” This is followed by combat with clubs. “After the announcement that the tournament begins no other weapons than the club must be used. No aiming at parts below the saddle where the opponent is unarmed.....Every participant to have one master at arms only, who has to wear a helmet and protection for his legs. This master is only allowed a stave and a rebaited knife...A prince shall be allowed 4 squires, an earl or lord 3 squires, a knight 2 squires, and a nobleman 1 squire...The squires may escort their masters taking hold of the bridle; they must not push away opponents by the help of their weapons…. Squires are not allowed to grasp the bridles of opponents’ horses.”

Monday, February 23, 2009

Coraline (2009)

This is definitely worth taking some trouble to see in 3D, so you have a limited time available before the 3D theaters get taken over by the Jonas Brothers on February 27. The 3D complements the corporeality of stop motion animation, and is used with intelligence to underline the difference between Coraline’s real and alternate worlds.

Darker than Nightmare Before Christmas, and the monstrousness is not as jolly, if you are thinking of taking small children. If you are the sort of person that enjoyed Nightmare Before Christmas, this is well worth seeing.

It’s good to see Selick working out from Tim Burton’s shadow: they’ve got a similar sensibility and esthetic in a lot of ways, but Selick is a fine director in his own right. This film made me appreciate how much Nightmare owed to Selick’s direction, even though Burton got top billing as producer and writer and contributed a lot of the character design.

Friday, February 20, 2009

Costrels, Field Flasks and Pilgrim Flasks before 1450

Karen Larsdatter’s Material Culture Linkspages are often a valuable resource for researching medieval material culture, and she has a lot of valuable material on this subject. Go there first.

Here is some additional material.

Flattened disk shapes:

A 13th c. canteen of brass inlaid with silver, of Syrian craftsmanship but decorated with Christian themes.

The flask of St. Rupert. This is a wooden field flask or canteen that reputedly belonged to St. Rupert in the 7th-8th century A.D. Around 1345-1400 it was given a case of copper and silver. Whether or not the wooden flask actually belonged to the saint, it must have been plausibly old when it received the metal case.

Here is the description from the Cathedral Museum of Salzburg

Feldflasche des Hl. Rupertus
Kunstwerk: Treibarbeit, Böttcherarbeit; Gefäße Haushalt; Feldflasche; Salzburg(?)
Dokumentation: 1345; 1400; Salzburg; Österreich; Salzburg; Dommuseum
Anmerkungen: 20x25; Katalog Dommuseum Salzburg, 1974, S. 54f
Objekt: Feldflasche; Holz
Teil: Beschlag, Hülse; Silber, Kupfer; getrieben
Teil des obigen: Inschrift (VASCVLVM HOC L (IGNE)VM RECLVSV IN ARGENTO FVIT SANCTI RVDPERTI)

Nativity, Mayer van den Bergh Museum, Antwerp, ca. 1400. “has stylistic affinities with Broederlam’s work, but cannot be positively ascribed to him” (Dupont and Gnudi, Gothic Painting) Melchior Broederlam was active 1381-1409. A silver colored field flask is shown in the right foreground, very similar to surviving 15th century examples in pewter or tin. The shape and relative thinness of the lugs is also more appropriate to metal than wood or ceramic.


Barrel Shape

A greyish colored barrel shaped costrel, possibly pewter or tin with raised decoration is shown in Broederlam’s Flight into Egypt, 1394-1399.

Pilgrim Flask Shapes for Domestic Vessels

Vessels with the flattened disk shape of pilgrim flasks appear in depictions of domestic scenes no later than the 14th century, Typically, the vessel is similar in shape to the flask actually used by pilgrims, with a foot and flattened disk body, but larger. This form would remain popular for centuries, in part because the flattened sides provided a congenial field for ornamentation.



A scene from Machaut’s Remede de Fortune fol. 55, ca. 1350, shows silver colored vessels of this kind in the right foreground. Like their prototypes they are equipped with straps that would have made it easier for servants to carry the capacious flagons.

The January page from the Tres Riches Heures de Duc de Berry shows a gilt version of this sort of vessel displayed on a sideboard.

A pair of silver-gilt flasks of this type from 1400-1440 survive at All Souls at Oxford: note the screw stoppers.

I know of no evidence of cork used as stoppers in England before 1530, although it was used for patten soles and fishing floats earlier. Surviving flask stoppers from the Mary Rose were made of wood wrapped with leather for a tighter seal.

The pewter costrel below was made by Robert MacPherson. The stopper was turned from wood and wrapped with leather.