Asteley vs. Boyle, 1442: Materials Issued to Asteley by Heny VI

Henrie, by the grace of God, Kinge of England and of France, and lorde of Ireland, To our Trustie and welbeloved clarke, Roberte Rolleston, kepere of oure Greate Wardrobe, gretinge. Forasmoche as oure wel beloved Esquire and Seruaunte famylier, John Asteley, shall now hostilie,(1) by oure licence, do armes with a knighte straunger in oure presence, Wee woll therfore, and chardge you, that ye delyver unto oure saide Esquire suche habillementes, weapons and harness as wee sende you the parcells of them here inclosed. And wee woll that thies oure letter shalbe unto you herin sufficient warrant, and that by the same ye shall haue dewe allowaunce in your accompt. Yeeven under oure pryvie seall at Westminster, the xxvth daie of June, the yeare of оwr Reigne xxti [1442].

Firste xij yardes white damaske & iiij yardes of redde The parcells damaske for the Trappowr of Saincte George. Also. xij yardes blewe tarterin for the trappour of his deuice.
Also xij yardes of redde Tarterin for the trappours of devise.
Also xij yardes blewe damaske for gownes for iij children.
Item iiij yardes of blewe clothe to Jagge the saide gownes.
Item iiij yardes of crimsson(2) for iiij litle hoodes for the same pages. Also iij doblettes, iij paire of hose, iij paire of Bootes, and iij paire of spurres for the saide pages.
Also xij gowne clothes of Blewe clothe for xij men that shall waite uppon the saide Asteley. Also iiij yardes of Blewe Tarterin & red for ij coates of Arms.

The Paynter.
Also one Trappour of his armes,
Also one Trappoure of his device,
Also iij coates of Armes,
Also vj scochens of his Armes,
Also one phane of his armes for his coate,
Also one pencell beten, to bere in his hande,
Also one pencell beaten of his devise,
Also one castinge speare paynted.
The Sadleyre.
Also one Saddle to do armes in, & all the harness therto,
Also iij Saddles and iij harness therunto;
Also girthes, singulers, pertrelles, & bridells for iiij horse.
Weapons for horsbacke and foote.
Also iij speares for hym self,
Also xij speres to assaie theire horses,
Also iiij speres hedes for horsbacke and for foote,
Also j longe sworde & a longe dagger for horsbacke,
Also one Axe for foote,
Also one shorte sworde & one shorte dagger for foote,
Also one castinge speare & one paveis.

Harnes for Horseback.
Also one Rackebrace & one gauntelett,
Also one pece of Legge harness,
Also one paire of Sturoppes, with the sabotanes of stele in the sturoppe,
Also one Testoure of Stele.

Yitt harness for horseback.
Also one gorgett of male.
male for to arme bridell pectrell and single for his horse that he shall haue.
Also a Breche of male gussettes and woyders.

Harnesse for foote.
Also a hole harnes for foote.
Also one Basenett.

1 or hastilie.
2 Sic in MS. Qy. crimson—[or 'crameysse,' i.e. velvet, misread by copyist].

Note that the arms and devices on his coats of arms, trappers and pennoncels are the work of a painter, and that his pennoncels are "beaten", that is, the design is gilded with gold leaf. Also, he is issued three coats of arms so he can start each fight on fresh and undamaged coat armor.

Furnivall, Frederick James, and R. E. G. Kirk. 1903. Analogues of Chaucer's Canterbury pilgrimage (April 1386) and his putting-up joust scaffolds, etc., in West-Smithfield (May 1390) being the expenses of the Aragonese ambassadors for 58 days in England, 21 July to 16 Sept. 1415, including their 4-days' journey from London to Canterbury and back, 31 July-3 Aug. 1415, and the cost of erecting scaffolds, etc., in West-Smithfield for the joust between Don Philip Boyl, knight, of Aragon, and John Asteley, esq., on Jan. 30, 1442, with Henry VI's allowances of materials for the said joust. London: Published for the Chaucer Society by K. Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co.

Pavilion Wall Slopes: 1380-1415

In the iconographic sample of circular pavilions I looked at, the median seemed to be a slope that would add three feet to the diameter at the shoulder to get the floor diameter, if the shoulder was six feet high. Many were more or less steep: the dozen or so I sampled would add as much as 5 1/2 feet and as little as 1 1/2 feet to the diameter of a tent six feet tall at the shoulder.

Another Elaborate Encampment, 1439

The Cardinal had built there a large tent or tabernacle, with timber beams, more than a hundred feet in length. It was covered, above and below, as well as the walls, with new linen canvas.

Nearly all the necessary services were combined under one roof.

At the northern end there was a pantry, buttery, wine cellar, and the like.

At the southern end there were two chambers or apartments.

In the middle was a large and extensive hall, according to skilled judgement well suited for seating 300 men at one meal.

The inside of the hall and chambers were covered with red cloth, very well ornamented with tapestry work.

Behind the tent to the west there was a low courtyard bounded by stakes draped with new linen canvas, with a kitchen within that courtyard, as though in the house of a great lord.


England, and Nicholas Harris Nicolas. 1835. Proceedings and ordinances of the Privy Council of England. London: Printed by G. Eyre and A. Spottiswoode].

Two Elaborate Encampments, c. 1404

Princes of the East

Princes of the West

Master of the Cite des Dames: Livre du Chevalier Errant by Thomas de Saluces. c.1404 Bibliotheque Nationale MS. Fr. 12559

Note the dormer on the roof of the rectangular tent in the foreground, and the turret like structures attached to the corners of several of the rectangular tents in both: also, the charming and unified yet varied scheme of tent decoration in both encampments.

George Washington's Marquee

Here is another picture.

A 17th Century Tent from the Armory at Graz

1. A view up at the curved end of the tent. Decorative diagonal stripes of the valance are visible. The canopy is pulled over the modern frame in an unlikely way. One of the side seams is visible.


2. A view of the curved end of the canopy, showing the cut of the gores. Note that they terminate broadly, rather than in points, and a separate piece of fabric completes the shape.


3. Curved end of the tent, showing the repair at the lower edge of wall. Note that the panels are parallel sided. The tailoring happens through the addition of a centrally located triangular gore, which is not visible here.


4. Another view of the curved end.


5. Looking up at the "eaves" in the middle of the straight section of the side, near the door opening.(negative flipped)


6. A part of the wall is turned back to form the door, and two toggles share a suspensory loop.


7. A view of the "eaves" from the inside. Note how the cords of the toggles penetrate the reinforcing canvas band at the top of the wall, and are splayed out parallel to the edge and sewn down. The loops are sewn to canopy, at the place where the valance is attached. Above this "shoulder" the inside of the canopy is reinforced by a broad band of striped canvas.


8. The juncture of two side panels using loops and toggles (negative flipped).


9. Attachment of walls to the canopy. Part of the wall has been folded back to form the door, which is bare visible on the left. (The toggle spacings do not always seem to work out) The diagonal stitching which is visible below and to the left of the toggle is the back side of a valance stripe (negative flipped)


10. The guy rope attaches to the "eave" of the canopy. It passes through a reinforced hole and a wooden "washer" and terminates in a knot. (negative flipped)


11. Reinforcing canvas band at end of wall panel. The door opening is on the left, and a guy rope can be seen.


12. The broad, striped canvas band that reinforces the lower part of the canopy, seen from the inside of the tent.


13. Stitching on the inside of a seam.


14. I think it's the edge of the door opening. I think I was probably trying to show the fabric turned back at the edge, and the heavy canvas band sewn over the edge.


15. View of an unused loop (over the doorway?)The markings on the canopy correspond to ones on the walls. (negative flipped)

These black and white photographs were taken by Robert MacPherson when the tent was on exhibit in Hull, Ottawa. The comments above are his.

It was set up on a modern internal frame for display, allowing a reduced footprint for the guy ropes.

Notes on Il Libro del Sarto

I've been digging into the 16th c. Milanese sketchbook. There's a lot of good information there, but I'm finding it a challenge.

So you don't have to reinvent the wheel, here's what I've found so far. The Milanese dialect it was written in is often very different from modern Italian. I'll give a word frequently encountered in the MS, what I think it means in modern Italian, and what I think it means in English, or, if the word is the same in modern Italian, that followed by the tranlation. The same word can occur in multiple variants in the MS.

Agiongierli/aggiungerli/add, add them
Bisognia/bisogno/need
Bachette or bachete/bacchette/batons
Br. or brazzo/braccio/A unit of measure used throughout Italy with considerable regional variation. In Milan, it equaled 23.4 English inches.
Canevazo/canovaccio/canvas
Canevo/cavo/rope,cable
Cavezi/cavezzi/Fathoms, or six local feet. In Milan, 8.55 English feet.
Corame/cuoio/leather
Covertine/copertine/cover
Faradura/ferratura /iron fittings
Fodrare/foderare/to line
Giusta/right, correct, just
Groppi/groppo/knots, knot
Inbalar/imballare/to pack, wrap or bale
Legniame/legname/timber, lumber, wood
Mancho/manco/miss
Mangiadora/mangiatoia/manger or crib
Murada/murata/bulkwark
Onze/oncia/ounce: a unit of weight, in Milan equaling .95 of an English ounce, and distance, equaling 1/12 of a a braccio
Over/ovvero/or
Piove/rain
Più/plus
Prozione/proporzione(?)/proportion(?)
Questa/this
Scudo/shield: A Milanese coin equal to 6 lire, each of 20 soldi or 240 denari.
Sgubiera/scoprire(?)/discover, uncover(?)
Stangha/stanga/shaft or bar
Stara/stare(?)/stay, remain
Talle/tagli/pieces cut out
Talliar/tagliar/cut
Tanto/as, so much
Trabaca/tenda/tent (as distinguished from a pavilion: pavilions seem to be circular, square or regular polygons with a single pole)
Vodo/vuoto/empty, void, blank, gap
Voliano/vogliano/want to, wish

Caparison Patterns

19 v


20 r


20 v


21 r


25 v


26 r

Il Libro del Sarto is a manuscript that belonged to a family of Milanese tailors. It collects the work of at least three individuals, beginning in the 1540s, with additions into the 1570s and bound in the 1580s.

Sectional Tent Poles in 13th Century Spain and 16th Century Milan

Here and here we see erected tent poles with what look like decorated joints from 13th century Spain. Here, third row down, are similar poles broken down for transport by mule: note the protruding scarf joint of the wooden shaft. The image is from Cantiga 99 of the Cantigas de Santa Maria of Alfonso X. Here is a larger view that annoyingly crops out the scarf joint on the poles.


Here is an image from Il Libro del Sarto, the work of a family of tailors in 16th century Milan. Each joint of the tent pole is a br. long. The Milanese bracio, seems to have been 59.5 cm, just under two English feet. 2/3 of the joint was ironwork, and the middle third shows the middle of a wooden scarf joint.

Very similar scarf joints survive on the the poles of George Washington's dining tent.

Tents in Il Libro del Sarto

The transcription, tentative translations and the following explanation are by Robert MacPherson

This transcription is based on the modern transcrizione by Alesandra Schiavon.

The spelling and spacing have been returned to something more like the original manuscript. Some errors have been corrected, and some discrepancies noted. In addition, it contains transcription of some notes which are written on the illustrations which are not in found in Schiavon’s work.

Tentative translations for some of the text appear in parentheses.


1 v
pavilione tondo de 56 tali alto br.8
lalbero chovertine br. 3, la capa br.7
butta largo br. 12 per ogni parte
sempio li va cavezi 18, br. 60 de
contro divisa, br. 18 canevazo
da basso

(Round pavilion of 56 panels. The tree 8 br. tall. The wall panels
3 br. (tall?) The canopy 7 br. The walls (?) 12 br. wide, each one.
Simple (unlined ?) it is 18 “fathoms” (of cloth) 60 br. of cutting (?)
18 br. of canvas at the base)


2 r
A far una saca longa br. 20 et larga br. 12, alta br. 8
van cavezi n. 120 (1) et br. 80 contra divisa.

(1) this number is very difficult to read, perhaps 20

(To make “saca” 20 br. long, 12 br. wide 8 br. tall.
van (?) 120 “fathoms” (of cloth) and 80 br of cutting (?))


2v


3 r


4 r


5 r
br. 2 3/4 (1)
br 1 (?) ¾ (2)
br. 5 2/4 (3)
br 55 2/4 (4)

(1) written on the wall on the tent in the foreground
(2) ditto
(3) written on the canopy of the tent in the foreground.
(4) ditto

5 v
el talia de la faradura de le gionte de le strenge
over albero, bisognia che l sia longo
uno brazo et compartito in terzo: due terzi
de ferato et uno terzo a vodo ----------

et sia legniame nostrano et seccho et
le bachette senza groppi et rovate (aovate?)

la prozione de uno pavilione che sia alto siconda la
sua larcheza, che non sia bracco ne svelto bisognia
talliar la cappa tanto longha quanto e largha
l a cappa da basso a voler che l pavilione piove bene
questa e la giusta misura sicondo larchititura

et le covertine siano lonche br 3 e piu ¼ da basso dove
va el canevazo

et lalbero sia longo tanto come sara largo el
pavilione in terra questa ela sua prozione giusta

et le corde maestre siano longhe uno tanto e mezo
come e longo lalbero e piu br. 3 per ligar al palletto

et el paletto sia piantato lontano da lalbero tanto
quanto e longo lalbero et stara benissimo armato
et non sgubiera le corde ne sara perigulo de strapar el paletto
per el vento questo e el modo che sia da tener.

(The pieces of ironwork of the joint of the “strenge” or tree (mast, pole)… )


6 r
br. 7 2/4 (1)

(1) written on canopy of tent in center of camp

6 v
la procione de uno pavilione che sia alto
sechondo la sua largeza che non
sia bracho ne svelto bisognia che
di sopra la chovertina venga
a ritrovarsi tanto alta la cappa
quanto e larga la chappa da basso
a voler che l pavilione piova bene
et non sia bracho ne svelto et questo e
giusta secondo larchiditura
et (1) de questo io Ioanne Iachomo del conte
ne ho fatto la prova piu volte et
reusisano prefetti

et lalbero sia alto tanto quanto se
ritrova largo el pavilione in
terra et questo e la sua procio
ne giusta.

et le corde maestre siano longe
uno tanto e mezo quanto e longo
lalbero e piu br. 3 per lagerle al (2)
al paletto et el paletto sia piendato
sempre tanto lontano da lalbero
quanto e lonco lalbero et stara
benissimo armato
et non sgubiera le corde ne sara
pericholo de strapar il paletto'

(1) “et” in abbreviation partially obscured by an ink spot

(2) following “al” repeated


7 r
le poste de la mangiadora larche br. 2
et la colona alta br.2 et la stanga alta br. 1

.5 tele, . 15. tali butta longa br. 12 2/4
larga br. 6 2/4 li va cavezi 13. br. 48 (1)
chontra divisa, br. 8 cane-
vazo da basso;

br. 2 2/4 (2)
br. 5 (3)
trabaca de tele 4. tali . 12; butta
longa br. 9 2/4, larga
br.5 2/4 li va -(4)

tali no. 56 br. 3 (5)
br. 6 2/4 (6)

(1) “48” corrected to “44”
(2) written on side wall of tent on left
(3) on canopy of same
(4) if this continued, it would have been on the other side
of the banner, and has been lost in rebinding
(5) written on wall of round tent
(6) on canopy of same


8 r


8 v
a far uno pavilione tondo che sempre se
ritrovi la cappade mezo uno tondo
et come el pavilione e de talli no.50,bisognia
che l sia alta la cappa br.7 et la covertina
br. 2¾, senza el canevazo che va da basso et
ongi tela fa 4talli a voler far uno pavilione
de talli no. 50, li va cavezi 13 et br. 52 contra
divisa et br.13 canevazo da basso per che sempre
li va br. 4 contradivisa per cavezo et br. 1 (1) canevazo per
cavezo. (2)

(1) “1” added between the lines
(2) “cavezo” is written to the right of the diagram


9 r


10 r


9 v
le corde maestra vanno legate
al paletto qual sia piantato tanto
lontano da l albero quanto e
longe l albero et staranno bene
sicondo la misura de l’archititura

et l’albero de 3 pezi, la gionta
longa br.1 et 2/3 farata et
eli feri grossi, et not tolle
che sono sottile che sgarano.

(The master cord(s) are fastened to the stake (s) which are planted
so far from the tree as far as the length of the tree, according to the
measure of (secondo la misura) the architecture. and the tree of
3 pieces (pezzi) and the joint (giunta) 1 brazzo long and 2/3 “ironed”
his (egli) irons great not tolerating (?) those that are thin [or] ? )


12 r

11 v (facing page)
per una gusina longa br.16 et larga
br. 8 li va cavezi n.24 a lire 7 soldi 15
per uno: sono scudi 31, lire 3, soldi 2-----------------------
per la contradivisa br. 120 (1), soldi 10 per br. scudi ----
corame scudo 1 et canevazo scudi 10, soldi 16 (2)-------
lengniame scudi 3, corda scudi 1 ½-------------------------
bottoni, ponti, banderole scudo 1---------------------------
per la manifatura li va scudi 24 (3): insoma scudi 67

per una sala longa br. 20 li va cavezi
no. 32 sempia et a fodrar la cappa
li va cavezi no. 13 a lire 7 soldi 15 per uno
sono scudi 59 soldi 20 --------- sono-----------------

per la contra divisa li va br. 160 (4) tela provino
fina a soldi10 per br. sono scudi 10 lire 5-----------

per le forteze da basso et di sopra le covertine
et a la cappa dove va le cordo, br. 36 de
canevazo soldi 9 per br. sono scudi 2-------------

per corame di vacca et moltoni per li 4 (5) coppi
scudi 2, somo ----------------------------------------

per una colmengnia de br. 10 longa et 4
stanghe in pide et 4 coppi et bachete
no. 80, in porta scudi 6-----------------------------

per la corderia grossa e da in balar, scudi 3

per 4 ponti et 4 bantirole de tolla et bachette
n. 80 scudi 2 et lire 4 de refe scudo 1

per la manifartura scudi 28 (6), sono ------------------

1 “120” corrected from “12”
2 “soldi 16“ added
3 “24” corrected from “20”
4 “160” corrected from “17”
5 “4” added between the lines
6 “28” corrected from “20”


13 r


14 r
stalla longa
br. 10 et larga
br.9 sempia
scudi 16

br. 2 2/4
scudi 1 2/4 (1)

camera
senpia
larga
br.7 in tera
da legniame
scudi 12

br. 2/24
scudi 1 2/4 (2)

gusina
longa br.9
et larga be. 7
sempia
scudi 13

scudi 2 2/4 (3)

chamera
dopia la capa
larga br. 7 in tera
scudi 12

br. 4 longa
scudi 2 2/4 (4)

sala sempia
larga br.9 in
quadro intera
a br. da legname
scudi 18

br. 7 longa
scudi 3 2/4 (5)

chamera
dopia la capa
larga in
tera br. 7
da legniame
scudi 12

scudi 2 2/4 (6)

(1) written in strada between stalla and camera
(2) written in strada between camera and gusina
(3) written next to wall (murada?) between stalla and chamera dopia
(4) written in strada between chamera dopia and salla sempia
(5) written in strada between sala sempia and camera sempia

c.13 v (facing page)
per la sala contrascritta va de talle 56, butta
la cappa da basso larga br.7 et va longa
la cappa da basso sul dritto br.7 et le covertine
longhe br.2 ¾ senza canevazoda basso
alto ¼, buttera larga in tera br. 9 da legniame--------

per le 3 camere de talle 44 butta larga la capa da
basso br. 5 2/4 et va longa la capa sul dritto br. 5 2/4
et le covertine longhe br.2 ¾ senza el canevo
che sara longa in tera ----------------------br. 7 -------

per la cusina va longa br. 9 et larga br.7 va de tele
3 et talli 20 per gulatta longhi br. 4 2/4 sul dritto
le covertine longhe br. 2 ¾ senza el canevo
et sara longa in tera br. 9 da legniame in piu--------

per la stalla va de tele 4 et talli 24 gulata longhi
br. 5 2/4 sul dritto et le covertine br. 2 ¾ (1) senza canevo
viena a esser longa in tere br. 10 et larga br. 9

per una strada longa br. 7 et due strade de br. 4 luna
et du altre strade de br. 2 2/4 per una
la intrada (2) da le bande vanno de tele .7 de br. 3
per una senza le canevazo ch va da basso
--------------------------

per la sala li va cavezi .15, per le 3 camere cavezi 33 per la fodra
de 2 camere cavezi .12. per la gusina cavezi14 et
per la stalla cavezi . 16. per le strade cavezi 18 per la
mangiadora cavezi 2 per la murada da le bande
cavezi .4. sono insoma cavezi no. 114

per la contra divisa br. 440 tela provino soldi 10 per br.--
per i fioroni br. 80 tela provino soldi 10 per br.--
per canevazo br. 125, a soldi 9 per br.---------------
per el legniame pali stanghe bachete et per la murada
per la corderia grossa et solil----------------------------------
per el corame di vaca et moltoni per i coppi---------------
per la gioderia et diverse anelle per le corde---------------
per el refe de far ternette per i fiorini et gusir-------------
in porta la manifatura senza la pentura rt manifatura
de i fioroni a soldi 30 per tallio, scudi 100

(1) the transcrizione says “4 ¾” but I read “2 ¾” (Mac)
(2) for “intrada” I read “murada” (Mac)


14 v


149 v (From this point on the pagination of the transcript in the facsimile edition is misnumbered as one page before its position in the MS.)
cavezi n.o. 14------------
br. 50 (1) tela colorata
br. 20 canevazo---------
lb. 4 refe gusir-----------
albero uno---------------
uno coppo---------------
bachette no. 56---------
gioderia et 4 anelle
una pelle per el coppo
corame de vacca--------
corderia grossa et sottil
bottoni no..56 de legnio
paletti no. 40 una maza
la tela de la contradivisa
sera br. 44 zilestra
et br. 26 (2) gialda br. 30 (3)

Questo pavilione a da esser de talli 52 butta larga
lacappa da basso br. 6 2/4 et la cappa va longa sul
dritto (4)br 6 2/4 sul dritto li va cavezi no. 14 et
in porta la manifatura a soldi 30 per tallio scudi 14 per manifatura.

(1) “50” uncertain
(2) ”26” corrected from “10”
(3) “30” corrected from ”50”
(4) the lower left corner is missing


157 r
la va de altecce, 3, ½ per tenda, longhe br. 30 le va pecce no. 7 de canevazo
da Cento de br. 15 per una, et per le fortece li va br. 16 canevazo per tenda,
lb. 16 ½ corda grossa lb. 2 corda da imbalar oz. 7 straforzino bottoni n. 14 et
oz. 9 refe da gusir et fil da Lione oz. 3 per tenda et manifatura scudi 2 ½ per una

157 v
schortinio de quello che montera
uno pavilione chome el terzo
modello
prima pavilioni no.13 de talli, 52
per uno, qual saranno larchi in
tera br. 8 da panno et in portano
sempi scudi 5 doro per br. sono scudi 40 per
uno in soma ----------------------------------scudi 520;
siconda: trabache n. 4 de br. 40
lonche per una et largebr. 10
scudi 5 d’oro per br, montano
scudi 200 luna, in soma --------------------scudi 800;
terza strade n. 17 longe br.3 2/4
et large br. 2 2/4 a scudi 2 et 2
reali per br. per una inportano scudi 166 lire 2;
quarto: br. 450 (1) murada dentro
et sora a mezo scudo per br.-------------- scudi 225
---------------------------
scudi 1712 lire 3 (2)
A voler fodrar alguno pezo
in una trabaca li va cha-
vezi 37 e mezo in porta
scudi no. 37 e mezo a scudo 1 per ca-
vezo che sono scudi 37 e mezo
per trabaca;
et fodra de uno pavilione li va
cavezi no. 8 sono scudi 8 per uno
et scudo 1 de pui de la fattura che
sonno scudi 9 per pezo a fodrarli
tutti inportano ----------------------------- scudi 267
-----------
scudi 1968.
(1) “450” corrected: previous number erased.
(2) “1712” and “lire 3” corrected; previous number erased

158 r
et a voler far mercato al boto de uno
pavilione over trabaca bisoghia
che paghino scudo 5 per br. dico ----------scudi 5 per br.
et de le strade bisoghia che pagano
scudi 2 per br. over pui reali 2 de scudi 2 per br.
et la murada bisognia che
pagano squdo mezo per br. scudi *** per br.


158 v
uno pavilione da talli 40 in gio le chovertine
vanno lonche br. 2 2/4 senza el canevazo
che va da basso che va alto ¼ et se le de
talli 40 viene a esser larga la chappa
da basso br. 5 et la chappa va longa
sul dritto br. 5 et se le de talli 44 botta lar-
ga la chappa da basso br. 5 2/4 et la chappa
va longa sul dritto br. 5 2/4 et se le de
talli 48 butta larga da basso la chappa
br.6 et va longa la chappa sul dritto br. 6
et se le de talli 52 butta larga la chappa da basso
br.6 2/4 et la chappa va longa br. 6 2/4 sul dritto
et se le de talli 56 butta larga la chappa
da basso br. 7 et va longa la chappa br. 7 sul dritto
et se le de talle 60. la chapa e larga da basso
br. 7 2/4 et va longa br. 7 2/4 et de talli. 64
e larga la chappa br. 8 et br.8 va longa
et de tali 68 e larga br. 8 2/4 et va longa
la chappa br.8 2/4 sul dtitto; et se le talli 72
butta larga la (1) chapa da basso br. 9
et va br. 9 longa sul dritto et se le de talli
76, le larga la chapa br. 9 2/4 et va longa
br. 9 2/4 et de talli 80 e larga br. 10 et va
longa br. 10 et es le talli 84 e larga
br. 10 2/4 et va longa br. 10 2/4 et se le talli
88 butta larga br. 11 et va longa br. 11
de 92 talli e larga br. 11 2/4 et va longa
br 11 2/4 de 96 talli e larga la chappa
br. 12 et va longa br. 12 sul dritto

(1) “la” repeated

This section implies roof panels that are a consistent one braccio between seams if the pavilion is square, and .785 braccio if the pavilion is round.

159 r
et es le de talle. 100. butta larga la chappa
da basso br, 12 2/4 et ve longa sul dritto
br. 12 2/4 et questa e la sua pro-
cione giusta (1) facendo poi le chover-
tine alte br.2 ¾ senza el canevazo
qual e ¼, che sono br. 3 in tutto
et tenendo questa regula sempre
reussera benissimo

et sapia che ogni talio e largo in
tera 2/3 volendo saper quanto
e largo uno pavilione in terra
lo saperai somando ogni talio 2/3

et a voler far uno pavilione qual
sia a la sua prozione bisognia sempre
tener questa regula soprascritta
taliar longa la chappa tante br.
quante br. va largo la chapa da basso
volendo ritrovar la sua guista prozione


(1) or. “gista”

159 v
a voler far merchato al botto de uno pavilione
che non passe lalteza br. 10 da panno chappa
e covertina bisognia che pagano ogni
4 talli scudi 3 doro overo lire 4 soldi 10 per talio cioe
se intende sempio et non dopio e se ‘l
voliano dopio agiongierli la fodra de piu
de li lire 4 soldi 10 per talio non sendo alto piu de br. 10

et a voler comperar loro tutta la spesa
bisognia cha paghino la manifatura soldi 30 per talio
overo al mancho uno quarto de sgudo
per talio pero non pasando lalteza br. 10
chome di sopre s’e dito-----

et se‘l volesano dopio la chappa, bisognia
che pagano almeno lire 5 soldi 12 per talli
al mancho ma el suo precio e scudo 1 “suo” ? “sino”? “siro”?
per talio dopio se non la chapa et se
volessano dopio anchora le cho-
vertine agiongeli la fodra che
in porta soldi 15 per talio che sono
in tutto lire 6 e meza per talio
tutto dopio da alto e basso----

a chomperar ogni chosa loro in porta
la manifattura soldi 30 per talio lire 1 soldi 10.

a far mercato al botto sempio tutto
monta lire 4 soldi10 per talio lire 4 soldi 10.

a far mercato dopio la chappa et sem-
pia la chovertina lire 5 soldi 12 per talio lire 5 soldi 12.

a far mercato dopio tutto da alto
a basso monta lire 6 soldi 10 per talio lire 6 soldi 10.

160 r
a voler saper quanta tela va a far
uno pavilione qual non passi lalteza
br. 10 chovertina e chappa sapia che
ogni chavezo fa . 4. talli esendo
uno pavilione che non passi lalteza
br 10, se‘l sara da talli .50. li va chavezi
no.13 et piu la porte et bottoni, et bandiere

et chontradivisa li va br. 1 tela per talio
da Lione cholarata chompartita poi
de 2 cholori piu presto piu che meno

et canevazo /4 meza per talio da basso
in tera et di sopra a la chappa el
medemo per forteza de le chorde
e piu se l’e quadro le forteze de le
chantonate de la chappa.-----------

et a voler saper quanta tela va a far
una trabahca o pichola o grande sapia (1)
sapia che se le larga br. 10 li va uno chavezo
e mezo per br. de la longeza; se le longa br. 20
le va chavezi no. 30 et se l’e longa br. 25 li va
chavezi 37 ½ sempia ie non dopia et se le
pichola uno chavezo et uno terzo per br.-------

et chontradivisa le va br. 4 per chavezo et
chanevazo da basso br. 1 per cavezo ---------
.
et per la manifatura sempre si paga scudi 1 ½ per cavezo
per tanti chavezi quanto va a far uno pa-
vilione over trabaca sanpia che siano
sempi et not dopi.


(1) “sapia” repeated and deleted

160 v
a far una trabaca sapia che le va mezo
uno pavilione per banda per le chulatte
et da pui (1) tante tele a la longa
quanto la voliano longa, qual in porta
uno cha vezo e mezo per tele et de le
gullatte ongi chavezo ne fa .4. talli tanto
che si viene a ritrovar uno chavezo e
mezo per br. la longeze se la va longa br. 20
li va chavezi no. 30, et se la va longa br. 25
le va chavezi n. 37 ½ et de piu le porte
che vanno dopie

et chontra divisa br. 4 per chavezo de 2
cholore chomo lor voliano

et chanevazo per fortece et da basso
in tera le va br. 1 per chavezo co no vo alto

Item a dar uno pavilione over trabaca
sempia et no dopia a farla et darla
a zornata a mie (2) spese bisognia che
pachino scudi 4 e mezo doro per br. de la longeza

et le strade li ve .3. quarti de uno chavezo
per br. et br. 4 chontradivisa per br. a far le
a mie spes chostano scudi 2 doro per br.
de la longeza et questo e giusto prezio.

(1) “et da poi” repeated and deleted
(2) or. “nie”

161r
uno pavioione de talli 52 alto la chappa br. 7
sul drittoet br. 8 sul chantone viene a eser
tutto alto br. 7 2/4 et ogni tela ne fa 4
sono tele no. 13 de br. 7 2/4 per una
sono br. 97 2/4 sono chavezi no. 7 ½.

Per le covertine de tele 54 sono tele
27 de br. 3 per una br. 81 in
soma -------------------------------br 178 2/4
sono cavezi no. 13 ¼ a br. 13
per chavezo

et per la controdivisa le va br. 4 per tela
da Lione over provino per chavezo (1)

--------------------------------------------------------------------

uno trabuco e br. 4 oz. 5 a br. de lagniame
a far una pertiga deterra bisognia
che la sia longa trabuchi no. 12 de
br. 4 oz. 5 per uno et la largeza trabuchi
no. 8 de br. 4 oz. 5 per uno et questo e
una per tiga de tera----------------------

che una pertiga elonga trabuchi 12 et
larga trabuche no.8 ------------------

tanto che una pertiga elonga br. 53
et e larga ----------------------br. 35 oz. 4

tanto che una pertiga le quadretti
no. 1802 e onze 8 questo e la giusta
misura de una pertiga.------------
(1) followed by a transverse line drawn in ink

161 v
una pertica elonga trabuchi no. 24 et larga 4 (1)
viene a esser longa br. 96 et larga br. 16 de seda
sono in tutto guadretti no. 1536 a br. da seda.

(1) illegible writing above “et larga 4”

Il Libro del Sarto is a manuscript that belonged to a family of Milanese tailors. It collects the work of at least three individuals, beginning in the 1540s, with additions into the 1570s and bound in the 1580s.

In the introduction to the facsimile edition Alessandra Molfino suggests that the pavilions and tents were drawn by a tailor working in the 1540s.

The Tesla Gun

The Tesla Gun, the Tesla Gun!
It's perfectly glorious steampunk fun!
Everyone wants a Tesla Gun:
The wonderful, horrible Tesla Gun!

The Crusades Were Complicated

The Entry of the Crusaders into Constantinople (Eugène Delacroix, 1840)

Jonah Goldberg has a simple view of the Crusades:

Historian Thomas Madden puts it more directly, “Now put this down in your notebook, because it will be on the test: The cru­sades were in every way a defensive war. They were the West’s belated response to the Muslim conquest of fully two-thirds of the Christian world.”

and

The truth is that the crusades had nothing to do with colonialism or unprovoked aggression. They were a desperate and largely unsuccessful attempt to defend against a powerful enemy

and

The Crusades were launched not as a war of conquest but as a war to save Christians from Muslim perse­cution and conquest.

Jonathan Jarrett rightly thinks it's more complicated.

We can guess at the motives of a few crusaders.7 Despite the emphasis laid on his piety and good conduct by the author of the Gesta Francorum,8 the actions of Bohemund on crusade, as well as his previous and subsequent ventures against the Byzantine Empire, make it seem plausible that he at least, a prince without a principality, was out to grab land and the fame and money necessary to keep it.9 On the other hand, Professor Riley-Smith among others has drawn attention to Raymond of Saint-Gilles’s membership of the body known as the fideles beati Petri to suggest that his motives might be most easily seen in terms of personal devotion to the ideals of Pope Urban, not just devotional then but ecclesiological,10 and it is difficult to imagine why he should have abandoned his position as one of the richest and most powerful men in France on such a risky venture if not principally for spiritual reasons.

Bohemund seems to have been a slippery and opportunistic adventurer. Antioch had been held by the Byzantines as late as 1078. From 1080-85 Bohemund and his family were invading the Byzantine Empire, penetrating into Thessaly before being defeated and forced to retreat. In Byzantium in 1097 he swore that he would return all former Byzantine possessions to the emperor, but he seized Antioch as a principality for himself in 1098. Soon after the principality was trying to seize Byzantine controlled territory to its north.

After the crusaders lost the Battle of Harran in 1104, Antioch lost territory to the Turks. Bohemund returned to Europe to raise a new army, but instead of using it to recover Christian losses in the Levant he used it to unsuccessfully invade the Adriatic coast of the Byzantine Empire in 1107.

Bohemund's primary goal seems to have been to conquer territory overseas where he could settle and rule the natives for his own benefit. The religion of the current ruler of those lands was apparently not a a major factor in his decisions. In his case, colonialist wars of conquest seem like a fair description of his goals.

So even parts of the crusader effort in the Levant contradict Goldberg's description. And this was only part of what Christendom considered crusades. In Iberia, a Christian counter-offensive against Muslims was ultimately entirely successful, and ended by conquering people that had been ruled by Muslims longer than by Christians.

Starting in 1147 a series of crusades were launched not against Muslims, but against pagans around the eastern and southern coasts of the Baltic and later against Orthodox (and Christian) Russia.

The Fourth Crusade was originally targeted against Muslim forces that controlled much of the Levant, but ended with the sack and dismemberment of the Christian Byzantine Empire without ever reaching the Holy Land.

Other crusades were launched against heretics, people who were insufficiently zealous in suppressing heretics, people who fought vassals of the current pope, people that supported the wrong pope and people that supported the right pope but were allied with people that supported the wrong pope.

Ron Paul's Alternate Universe

"The Byzantine Empire had a gold standard for a thousand years and they did quite well and they didn’t fight wars."

Didn't fight wars? Justinian, Belisarius, Narses, Basil the Bulgar-slayer and Harald Hadrada, independent contractor. Which empire did they fight for in his universe?

Quite well? A territorial high point ca. 550, followed by 900 years of decline? Also, when they name Byzantine politics after you, it may not be a good thing.

And yes, the Byzantines used gold coins for about a thousand years. For the first 700 years, they were about the same weight and purity, after which there were repeated cycles of debasement.

More importantly, the gold coins weren't used for everyday transactions: a single gold solidus was four months' compensation for a lawyer's indentured servant. Most people did most of their buying in copper coins, which were repeatedly devalued starting in the seventh century.

The effect was similar to Kruggerands keeping their weight, but greenbacks dropping in value relative to gold. Not what I suspect Paul thinks he means by the gold standard.