The Cut of Henry VIII's Tents.

Inventories of Henry VIII's tents reveal some of the details of their construction. In the 1547 inventory descriptions of "round houses" or pavilions note the number of gores in the roof and bredes or breadths in the wall. For the round tents there are regularly twice as many gores in the roof as breadths in the walls. The same construction survives on a 17th c. pavilion preserved at Basel.

Using less than the full width of the fabric for the gores would bring the diagonal edge of the gores closer to the straight angle of the warp threads, and make the gores less likely to stretch. On the Basel pavilion the difference in width between  the wall segments and roof gores was disguised by false seams dividing the wall segments. Design drawings of Henry's pavilions, pieced from contrasting fabrics,  similarly disguised the difference in width between wall segments and roof gores, presumably by matching  a wall segment with a pair of roof gores in the same color.

Tresauntes, straight covered passageways to connect tents, were without gores, with two breadths of fabric in the walls for each breadth in the roof. This is consistent with each breadth of roof fabric covering both sides of the roof without requiring a seam at the ridge line. Tresaunte roofs could be two to 16 breadths long.

Hales and kitchens had straight sides and gores forming semicircular ends to the roof at each ends, with the number of roof breadths and gores enumerated for each tent.

Cross houses, dormyes, and galleries with a half round had straight sides and a semicircular roof of gores at one end, and connected to another tent at the other end. Again, the number of gores and and roof breadths was enumerated for each tent.

"The kinges bigger Lodginge of Canvas garnyshed with small braunches of blew bokeram" was  complex with a great hall, six round houses, five tresauntes, and four galleries all with walls 7.5 feet deep (presumably the slant height) as well as two timber houses.

The kings lesser lodgings of canvas garnished with great branch of blue buckram consisted of three halls, three round houses, 13 tresauntes and a porch, also all with walls 7.5 feet deep.

Some of the smaller tents:

From the king's lesser lodgings:

Three halls of 8 breadths apiece in the roof, 17 gores every end (possibly an error, a similar hall from the same lodgings lent to the Earl of Warwick the same year had 16 gores per end) 4 yards deep, 32 depths in the walls 2.5 yards deep.

Two round houses of 50 gores apiece 6 3/4 yards deep in the roof, 25 breadths in the walls of every of them, 2.5 yards deep. with roses of red saie in the top inside and outside.

Two tresauntes of two breadths apiece in the roof 2 1/4 yards deep, 4 breadths in the walls every of them of 2.5 yards deep.

Listed elsewhere: a kitchen of Vitry canvas 5 breadths in the roof 14 points in every end 3.5 yards deep 24 breadths in the walls two yards deep.

Based on the roof slopes shown in the design drawings, these dimensions are consistent with canvas breadths about a yard wide.

Other necessaries associated with the tents included 66 vanes of ironwork painted and gilded with the kings arms and badges, sacks of leather lined with canvas for the dry and safe keeping of the rich hangings, two fire hearths, 1,000 wood buttons for tents, 40 ridge plates, 80 plain plates and 15 joints for ridge trees with their bolts and rivets.


The Inventory of King Henry VIII: The Transcript (Vol. 1), ed. David Starkey (London, 1998)

Arms & Armour Fechterspiel Sword

This is a well made and nicely proportioned training sword, eminently suitable for the purpose. The slim specialized blade broadening conspicuously at the ricasso combines flexibility with the weight and balance of a fighting sword. Like its surviving prototypes, it shows a 16th century esthetic. Early fechtschwerts or fechtschwert ancestors are discussed here. Here is a a detailed review of the Fechterspiel.

Waxed Arrows and Glued Arrows.

L’Art d’archerie divides arrows into two types, waxed and glued. The arrows from the Mary Rose seem to be examples of the first type. At the shaftment, where the fletchings would be attached, archaeologists have identified traces of wax, tallow, copper, and the imprints of thread wound in a spiral around the shaft that they believe to be silk. The copper was probably in the form of verdigris.

The Westminster Abbey arrow, from sometime after 1420, also shows the traces of spiral wound thread. In both cases the thread has almost entirely perished, but enough survives to identify the color as dark red.

Wax, red silk and "verdegresse" were mentioned for the making and repair of arrows for the king of Scotland in 1456.

Speaking of waxed arrows, L’Art d’archerie says: "The harder the silk is on the wax, the better the arrow will fly and the stiffer it will be." (Plus est dure la soye sur la cyre et plus est le trait errant et plus dure.) Submerging the thread in a coating of wax would both help lock it in place and protect it from wear as it shot down the bow.

L’Art d’archerie identifies a different approach, the glued arrow. Animal glue can provide an acceptable bond without thread. Surviving arrows made by Turks and Romans seem to have relied entirely on glue, and at some point before modern adhesives the English longbow tradition came to do so as well. Hugh Soar reports that an English fletcher was still being taught to fletch with hoof glue in the early 20th c.

Some fairly detailed medieval paintings show no sign of spiral bindings:

Above: Portrait of Antoine, 'Grand Bâtard' of Burgundy,  c. 1460 Rogier van der Weyden, Portrait of a Man with an Arrow c. 1470 Hans Memling, Portrait of a Youth Holding an Arrow, c. 1500-10 Giovanni Antonio Boltraffio,

While the Mary Rose arrows were almost certainly waxed, and the Westminster Abbey arrow probably was,  L’Art d’archerie tells us: "There are two sorts of glued arrows, sheaf (tacle) and flight. The sheaf arrows are usually thick, with high swan feathers, cut large, in the same shape as those of flight arrows, and have round iron heads. They are the regular arrows which the English use for butt and target shooting (au chapperons i.e. clout shooting), for they find them, as they are, truer than any waxed arrow.

We find further evidence that the even the English didn't always use the waterproof Mary Rose style waxed arrow with spiral thread winding in this report from Ireland by Sir William Skeffington in 1535.

"...there did fall suche a rayne as hath not been seene in thes parties; so that the fotemen wadid by the way to the middels in waters, which was pite to see,....the sayd fotemen that coulde not have defended themselfes with ther bowes, for ther stringes wer so weate, and moost of the fethers of ther arrowes fallen of."

Robert MacPherson has kindly provided me to a reference to an incident in 1594 when a serving-man  in Yldre managed to burn down a farmhouse while fletching bolts with his gluepot. This was probably a good example of fletching with hot animal glue.

An Archery Peerage

The London Archers continued to hold their yearly contests in. the month of September, in spite of the fact that henceforth there would be no use for the longbow in warfare. They formed a very fine corps, had they been of any use; meantime, the City has always loved a show, and a very fine show the Archers provided. Their captain was called the Duke of Shoreditch; the captains of the different Companies were called the Marquesses of Clerkenwell, Islington, Hoxton, and the Earl of Pancras, etc.; in the year 1583 they assembled at Merchant Taylors Hall to the number of 3000 all sumptuously apparelled, “nine hundred and forty-two having chains of gold about their necks.” They were escorted by whifflers and bowmen to the number of 4000, besides pages and footmen; and so marching through Broad Street, where the Duke of Shoreditch lived, they proceeded by Moorfields and Finsbury to Smithfield, where, after performing their evolutions, they shot at the target for glory.

Besant, Walter. 1904. London in the time of the Tudors. London: A. & C. Black p. 355

Here is a fuller account of the 1583 event from a contemporary. Besant has erred in describing the escorts as bowmen rather than bill-men.

I read this as the Elizabethan equivalent of a 21st century Superbowl halftime show. Behold the gaudy expensive excess, which we can well afford. The fact that we can afford it is part of the point. Are you not entertained?

Of evil orders or customs in our English Fence schools, & of the old or ancient teaching of weapons, & things very necessary to be continued for the avoiding of errors, and reviving and continuance of our ancient weapons, and most victorious fight again.

There is in my opinion in our fence schools an evil order or custom in these days used, the which, if it might stand with the liking of our Masters of Defence, I think it necessary to be left. For as long as it is used, it shall be hard to make a good scholar. That is this, at the single sword, sword and dagger, & sword and buckler, they forbid the thrust, & at the single rapier, and rapier & dagger, they forbid the blow. Either they are both together best, or the thrust altogether best, or the blow altogether best. If the thrust is best, why do we not use it at the single sword, sword & dagger, & sword & buckler? If the blow is best, why do we not use it at the single rapier, rapier & poniard? But knowing by the art of arms, that no fight is perfect without both blow and thrust, why do we not use and teach both blow and thrust?

But however this we daily see, that when two met in fight, whether they have skill or none, unless such as have tied themselves to that boyish, Italian, weak, imperfect fight, they both strike and thrust, and how shall he then do, that being much taught in school, that never learned to strike, nor how to defend a strong blow? And how shall he then do, that being brought up in a fencing school, that never learned to thrust with the single sword, sword and dagger, and sword and buckler, nor how at these weapons to break a thrust? Surely, I think a down right fellow, that never came in school, using such skill as nature yielded out of his courage, strength, and agility, with good downright blows and thrust among, as shall best frame in his hands, should put one of these imperfect scholars greatly to his shifts.

Besides, there are now in these days no grips, closes, wrestlings, striking with the hilts, daggers, or bucklers, used in fencing schools. Our plowmen will by nature will do these things with great strength & agility. But the schoolmen is altogether unacquainted with these things. He being fast tied to such school-play as he has learned, has lost thereby the benefit of nature, and the plowman is now by nature without art a far better man than he. Therefore in my opinion as long as we bar any manner of play in school, we shall hardly make a good scholar. There is no manner of teaching comparable to the old ancient teaching, that is, first their quarters, then their wards, blows, thrusts, and breaking of thrusts, then their closes and grips, striking with the hilts, daggers, bucklers, wrestlings, striking with the foot or knee in the cods, and all these are safely defended in learning perfectly of the grips(1). And this is the ancient teaching, and without this teaching, there shall never scholar be made able, do his uttermost, nor fight safe.

Again their swords in schools are too long by almost half a foot to uncross, without going back with the feet, within distance or perfectly to strike or thrust within the half or quarter sword. And in serving of the prince, when men do meet together in public fight, are utterly naught and unserviceable. The best length for perfect teaching of the true fight to be used and continued in fence schools, to accord with the true statures of all men, are these. The blade to be a yard and an inch for men of mean stature, and for men of tall statures, a yard and three or four inches, and no more(2). And I would have the rapier continued in schools, always ready for such as shall think themselves cunning, or shall have delight to play with that imperfect weapon. Provided always, that the schoolmaster or usher play with him with his short sword, plying him with all manner of fight according to the true art. This being continued the truth shall flourish, the lie shall be beaten down, and all nations not having the true science, shall come with all gladness to the valiant and most brave English masters of defence to learn the true fight for their defence.

Side notes:
1 In the wars there is no observation of Stocatas, Imbrocatas, times, nor answers.
2 Long weapons imperfect.

Paragraph breaks added.

Silver, George, and Cyril G. R. Matthey. 1898. The works of George Silver: comprising "Paradoxes of defence" [printed in 1599 and now reprinted] and "Bref instructions vpo my paradoxes of defence" [printed for the first time from the ms. in the British Museum]. London: G. Bell.

George Silver and John Smythe Did Not Like Rapiers at All

In his Paradoxes of Defence, George Silver wrote:

…when the battles are joined, and come to the charge, there is no room for them to draw their bird-spits, and when they have them, what can they do with them? Can they pierce his corselet with the point? Can they unlace his helmet, unbuckle his armour, hew asunder their pikes with a stocata, a riversa, a dritta, a stramason, or other such tempestuous terms? No, these toys are fit for children, not for men, for stragling boys of the camp, to murder poultry, not for men of honour to try battle with their foes.

Sir John Smythe, in his Certain Discourses Military of 1590, didn't care for them either:

 … our such men of war, contrary to the ancient order and use military, do nowadays prefer and allow that armed men pikers should rather wear rapiers of a yard and a quarter long the blades or more than strong, short, arming swords… a squadron of armed men in the field, being ready to encounter with another squadron, their enemies…being in their ranks so close one to another by flanks, cannot draw their swords if the blades of them be above the length of three quarters of a yard or little more. Besides that, swords being so long do work in a manner no effect, neither with blows nor thrusts, where the press is so great as in such actions it is. And rapier blades, being so narrow and of so small substance, and made of a very hard temper to fight in private frays, in lighting with any blow upon armour do presently break and so become unprofitable.

Of course, Smythe was something of a crank, an unreliable ranter overly quick to dismiss changes in military technology since the 15th c. It's just as well he couldn't post on the internet.

Say what you will, Mr. Silver had a gift for invective.

Colonial Plantation's Medieval Event: October 2014

Rain on Saturday depressed attendance for Medieval Days, but Sunday's lovely October weather brought a good turnout, although the human living history groups had to compete with the charismatic farm animals for attention. My group, La Belle Compagnie, was winnowed down by schedule conflicts, sickness, logistic issues and weather to one.

I brought the complete harness of an English man-at-arms ca. 1414, with both a grand bascinet and a kettle hat. I love it when the visitors ask "Why would you want to be able to wear more than one helmet?" Why, thank you for asking. And my sword ca 1385, and my grandfather's for comparison. And a rondel dagger, to demonstrate how acute points can curb your enthusiasm, even when you are wearing mail everywhere you don't wear plate.

I like to display my armor on a table, because you can easily pick up any particular piece and show how it works. Also, it's an authentic way to do it: you can see armor laid out in just this way in the 15th c. treatise on How a man schall be armyd. Also, if you have a tablecloth you can conceal less authentic kit below the table.

Ideally, I would have brought a longer table to display more of the armor at table height, but I was grateful for the shorter table borrowed from a friend.

For refreshment, I brought for drink a full pitcher of water and a beaker of water, and a modern bottle of wine decanted into a hand-blown bottle of wine and a pewter costrel. This was sufficient for the five hours ordained.

For meat I brought cold venison,  a portion of a loaf of bread, apples, dried unsulphured apricots and pistachios. This was also sufficient.

Next time I do a tent less presentation, I must remember to bring my broad-brimmed hat to wear between visitors.

My neighbors on one side were portraying Irish in German service about 1521, based on Durer's water color of that year:

A Folding Bed, ca. 1600

Probably from Augsburg, now in the Bavarian National Museum, which has another image and more information here. The sides fold in, the ends fold down and something cunning presumably happens to the canopy and legs through folding and/or disassembly. Image from WikiMedia Commons.

Pavilions in the Accounts of the Lord High Treasurer of Scotland: 1538

Item, gevin for the fassoun of ane pavilʒeoun of grene dames, . . . . . v frs.
Item, gevin for ane girth (hoop, usually the hoop of a barrel) of irne to the said pavilʒeoun, xx s.
Item, gevin for ane goldin knop to the samin, . xx s.
Item, gevin for ane cleik (hook) to the said pavilʒeoun, x s.
Item, gevin for the fassoun of ane pavilʒeoun of gray dames, . . . . . . vij frs.
Item, gevin for ane goldin knop to the samin, . xx s.
Item, gevin for ane girth of irne to the said pavilʒeoun, ' xx s.
Item, gevin for ane cleik of irne, . . . x s.

Since each pavilion is equipped with a hook and the hoops only cost twice as much as the hook, these are probably canopies for a chair or bed rather than tents.

Scotland, Thomas Dickson, James Balfour, Paul, C. T. McInnes, and Athol L. Murray. 1877. Accounts of the Lord High Treasurer of Scotland = Compota thesaurariorum Regum Scotorum. Edinburgh: H.M. General Register House.

15th and 16th Century Camp Beds

The French term lit de camp to describe a camp bed appeared in written records by c. 1450, and became assimilated into Scottish by the end of the century in many variants. In contemporary English it would be called a trussyng bedde, a term in use as early as 1392. The following, except for the last two records, are all from The Records of the Royal Treasurer of Scotland.

1494: Item, gevin for the making of ane harnes to turss (pack) the Kingis letacampbed, . . . . iij li.

1495: Item, for the tursing (transporting) of the Kingis letacampbed, and othir gere for the see, to Dunbertane agane his passing in the Ilys, . . . . . . xv s.

1527: Item, ij lokkis to letacamp cofferis . . . v s

1529: For tua lang malis (traveling cases, usually leather) with four lang brassis (straps) to thame to cary the Kingis leittacampt, ane stule to the oist, (host) of sindry pricis … iij li xiiij s

1538: Item, gevin for the treis (timberwork) of the said littecamp, xij frs.

Item, gevin for vij merkis iij uncis of fyne gold and cypir (yarn for cloth of gold?) for the gold and fassoun of ilk merk xxij frs.;…

Item, gevin for vij li. xij uncis of grene silk, the price of ilk pund ix frs.; summa . . iijxxix frs. xv s.

Item, gevin for the fassoun of thre compterpuntes (counterpanes) of grene taffateis, and ane of holand claitht, price of ilk ane xx frs.; summa .... iiij  frs.

Item, gevin for iiijxxxvj pund of caddes (cotton wool) to mak twa matres to the said bed, price of ilk pund viij s.; summa ..... xxxviij frs. viij s.

Item, gevin for the fassoun of the said twa matres and for the carding of the caddes, . . .xij frs.

Item, gevin for xx pundis of fyne downis to fill ane bostar (bolster) and twa coddis, (pillows) price of the pund ix s.; summa ix frs..

Item, gevin for the fassoun of the bostar and coddis, x s. Item, gevin for xxiij elnis 1/2 of holland claith to be the quhit compterpynnt price of the elne xx s.; summa xxiij frs. x s.

Item, gevin for xxxix elnis of grete lynyng to mak twa chetis (sheets) to ane palʒes (palliasse) to wynd (wrap) the said matres in, price of the elne iiij s.; summa . vij frs. xvj s.

Item, gevin for x elms of grete bukrame to lyne the ruff of the said littecamp, price of ilk elne vj s.; summa ...... iij frs.

Item, gevin for the fassoun of the said ruff and courtingis, and for the fassoun of twa chetis of cammes palʒeis and ane cheit of quhit fustane and rybbanis to the samin, . . . . . xxiiij frs.

Item, gevin for twa grete kow hidis to put the treis of the said littecamp in the gidder (bundle collection,gather) witht twa lang furreons (?) and twa cofferis to put the graith (furnishings) pertenyng to the said littecamp, price maid with Gilʒeam Petit, liiij frs.

1538-9: Item, for putting in twa gabellis (gables?) and mending of thame, of the malis to turs the liticamp beddis, . vj s.

Item, gevin for ane littecamp of ane wannet (walnut) tre, vj frs.

Item, gevin for the fassoun of ane steikit (quilted) covering, and for silk and caddes to the samin, . . xij frs.

Item, gevin for stuffing of ane matres weyand xxviij pundis, price of the pund v s.; summa . . vij frs.

Item, gevin for the fassoun of ane matres, iiij frs. x s.

Item, gevin for ane grete male to turs the littecamp in, and for ane scheith (sheath) to put the treis in,. xviij frs

Item, gevin to the tapischare to pay ane wricht (carpenter or joiner) for ane liticamp bed to thame to turs about with the quenys grace, . . . . iij Ii.

Item, deliverit to him, to be ane matt (mattress) to thame, xvij elnis 1/2 elne of quhite fustiane, price of the elne iij s. ; summa . . . lij s. vj d.

Item, for viij elnis of canves to lyne the matt witht, price of the elne xvj 6. ; summa . . x s. viij d.

Item, for the making of the matt and boustare and ane palʒas of canves servand to the said bed, . xx s.

Item, to ane stane of fedderis to put in the said boustare, x s

Item, for xxx poundis of noppis (wool flock) to put in the said matt, price of the pound v d; summa. xij s. vj 6 d

Item, for ane cover to the said bed, iij Ii. v s. Item, deliverit to the tapischer the xxiiij day of Februar, v elnis of braid quhite to be thame blancatis, price of the elne iij s. viij 6.; summa . xviij s. iiij d.

Item, deliverit to him the xx day of Februar, xxxvj elnis of reid and ʒallow serge to be ane cannabe (canopy) to thame, price of the elne v s.; summa . . ix Ii.

Item, for the making of the said cannabe to thame, deliverit to the tapischer, . . . xl s.

Item, for ane knop of tre (wood) to bere the said canabe, (canopy) xviij d.

Item, for ane cleik (hook) of irne to hing it be quhar thai travell, . . . . iiij s.

Item, for ane soume (strap or possibly saddlebag) of leddir to beir the said matt, bowstare, coveratouris, and blancatis witht, twa malis of ledder to bere the liticamp of tre, price of all v Ii.

1548: Of xviij clekis, xviij eine, xj gret buklis, xj staplis of thair awyn irne to my lord governoures lytecampe bed;

Item: Foure stanʒe (sic, but probably skanʒe meaning skein was intended: girths were purchased by the skein and a similar price per skein is mentioned in 16th c. documents.) of gyrthis to his grace lytillcampe bed; price of the stanʒe xviiij d....summa vi s.

1556: Liticampt bed of fir (1)

1562: ane litucampt of aik (2)

1. Grote, Gilbert, and William Angus. 1914. Protocol book of Mr. Gilbert Grote, 1552-1573. Edinburgh: Printed for the Society by J. Skinner.

2. Great Britain. 1870. Report of the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts. London: [H.M.S.O.].

Flags and Rank in 16th Century England

THE SIZE OF BANNERS, STANDARDS, PENNONS, GUYDHOMES, 
 PENSILLS, AND STREAMERS.

 An Emperor's Banner shulde be five foote longe, and of the same breadth. A Kinges Banner of five foote.
A Princes and a Dukes Banner four foot.
A Marquess, an Erles, a Viscounts, a Barons, and a Bannerets Banner shulde be but three foote square, and so is the old forme. Some hold that the Banner of a Banneret shulde be but two feet square, and so was the old forme. But nowe because their worshipp and power is increased, they have it of three foote. The usual Banner for the estates last above-named is elle longe and yard broade.

A Banner serveth for a Knight of the Garter, a Bannerett, a Baron, a Viscount, an Earle, a Marquisse, a Duke, a Prince. Place under a Banner an hundred men.

Standards.—The great standard to be sette before the Kings pavilion or tent, not to be borne in battel, to be of the length of two yards. (sic., but 11 was probably intended)
The Kings Standard to be borne, to be of the length of eight or nine yardes.
The Dukes Standard to be borne, to be slitte at the ende and seven yardes longe.
The Erles Standard six yards longe.
The Barons Standard five yards longe.
The Bannerets Standard four yards and a halfe longe.
The Knightes Standarde four yardes longe.

And every Standard and Guydhome to have in the chiefe the Crosse of St. George, to be slitte at the ende, and to conteyne the crest or supporter, with the poesy, worde, and devise of the owner. Place under the Standard an hundred men.

Pennon A pennon must be two and a halfe yardes longe.made rounde at the ende, and conteyneth the armes of the owner, and serveth for the conduct of an hundred men. Every knight may have his pennon, if he be chiefe captaine, and in itt sett his armes; and if he be made a Banneret by the King or the Lieutenant, shall make a slitte in the end of the pennon, and the heraldes shall raze it owte; and when a Knight is made a Bannerett, the heraldes shall bringe him to his tente, and receive for their fees three pounds, eleven shillings, and fourpence, for every bachelor knight, and the trumpettes twenty shillings.

Note that an Esquire shall not have his arms displayed in the field, but hee may weare his cote.

GUYDON.—A Guydhome must be two yards and a halfe, or three yardes longe, and therin shall no armes be putt, but only the mans crest cognizance and devyce, and from that, from his standard and streamer a man may flee, but not from his banner or pennon bearinge his armes. Place under the Guydhome fifty men, by the conduct of an esquire or a gentleman.

Pencells.—Pencills or Flagges for horsemen must be a yarde and a halfe longe with the crosse of St George, the creast, or worde.

Streamer.—A streamer shall stand in the toppe of a shippe, or in the forecastle, and therein be putt no armes, but a mans conceit or device, and may be of the lengthe of twenty, thirty, forty, or sixty yardes, and it is slitte as well as a guydhome or standarde, and that may a gentleman or any other have or beare.

It is used to make the breadth of a banner less than the length; but there is no rule that holdeth therewith'.

 Harleian MS 2358

THE SIZE OF STANDARDS, BANNERS, AND GUYDONS, BANNERELLS AND PENNONS, SETT DOWNE BY THE CONSTABLE AND MARSHALL.

The Standard to be sett before the Kings pavillion or tente, and not to be borne in battayle, to be in lengthe eleven yards.
The Kinges Standard to be borne, in lengthe eight or nine yards.
A Dukes Standard to be borne, and to be in lengthe seven yards di'.
A Marquesse Standard to be in length six yards di'.
An Earles Standard to be in lengthe six yards.
A Viscounts Standard to be in length five yards di'.
A Barons Standard to be in length five yards.
A Banneretts Standard to be in lengthe four yards di'.
A Knights Standard to be in length four yards.

Everie Standard and Guydon to have in the cheife the crosse of St. George, the beast or crest with his devyse and word, and to be slitt at the end.

A Guidon to be in lengthe two yards and a half, or three.

A Pennon of Armes round att the end, and to be in length two yardes.

The Kinges Banner to be in lengthe two yards di', and in bredthe two yards.
A Banner of a Knight of the Garter to be sett up at Wyndeser, two yardes, slete two yards, and one yard and three quarters broade.

 A Banneroll to be in length one ell, in breath one yard.

 Lansdowne MS 255, f. 431.

These both appear to be 16th century, judging by the square banner proportions. Earlier practice was less systematic and restrictive. For example, the squires that served as judges in King René's tournament book displayed banners; perhaps the office of tournament judge was considered of such dignity that you were entitled to display a banner while you held it. Surviving 15th century Burgundian standards did not consistently display the national badge next to the pole.

Also, from reading the above you might well assume that knights bachelor formed the bottom edge of the Tudor standard owning class. You would be wrong. This Tudor record of standards and other armory shows that a substantial number of standards pertained to men below knightly rank: courtiers, politicians, poets, soldiers, wealthy landowners and squires that married well. But I repeat myself.

The book contains about three times as many standards as banners.

Meyer 1560

A translation of Joachim Meyer's 1560 fighting manual has been published by a member of the Meyer Freifechter Guild.

Addition translations and articles are available at their site. My thanks to Hugh Knight for finding this.

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Tent Structures 1380-1415
Muscle vs. Armor: Variation in Armor Protection
Tents in Il Libro del Sarto
Caparison Patterns
Breast Sacks and Medieval Ideals of Female Beauty
Medieval Helmet Padding

Also, not quite as well read as the above, but I liked it anyway:

The Aliens from Alien Explain

Sir John Smythe: Unreliable Narrator

Smythe in his 1590 Certain Discourses, gives a detailed account of a combat during the siege of Thérouanne in 1513, in which an English supply convoy was ambushed by a French force "which did farre exceed the English in number", The English drew their "carriages into a conuenient forme" with archers both filling the gaps between the carts and "in the two open places of the carriages before and behind" so that the French "were that day repulsed and ouerthtrowne by the excellencie of Archers", and "one of their chief Captaines, called Monsieur de Plessis lifting up his sword to strike, was with an arrowe shot in the arme hole through his gusset of maile, and there slain" Smythe names as a source a certain "old English Gentleman yet aliue...Master Caudwell that was there present"

Old indeed. If Master Caudwell was only eighteen at the time of the battle, he would have been 95 by the time Smythe published his Discourses.

Smythe seems to have conflated three different incidents.

In June of 1513, according to Hall's Chronicle, an English convoy was overrun and looted by French light horsemen, with 30 English archers and eight English gentleman killed. The French lost 87 horses and "diverse" Frenchmen.

In August of 1513, a cavalry skirmish near Guinegate, also called "The Battle of the Spurs" ended in a French route. The French captain Jacques de la Palice was captured.

In 1429, an English supply convoy was attacked by superior French forces near Vouvray. Forming a defensive circle of wagons the English defeated the attack in what would later be called the Battle of the Herrings

A Skirmish During the Siege of Therouanne: 1513

Upon the Mundaie beeyng the xxvii. daie of June xxiiii. Cartes charged with victaill, wer by the Garrison of Caleis conduited to Guisnes, and ther the Crewe of the castle and toune of Guisnes with three C. foote men, under the conduite of sir Edward Belknappe, al beyng in nombre iiii. C. lx. men, set furthe to conduite the saied victailes to tharmie liyng before Tirwyn, and so thei passed to Arde. And while the Carters passed the toune, the horsemen fel a drinkyng in the waie, and the foote men wer al out of ordre. The duke of Vandosme capitain generall of Picardie, which laie in a bushement in the forest side of Guysnes with viii. C. light horsemen, toke his advauntage and set on the victailers, the Carters perceivyng that losed their horses and fledd to the toune, whiche was but a myle of and left their Cartes. Sir Nicholas Vaux capitain of Guysnes did al he could, to bryng the foote men in an ordre: but the Frenchmen set on so quickly that thei could not set theim in ordre, the horsmen of Guysnes whiche wer but onely xxiiii. toke their speres and joyned with the Frenchemen: the Archers of Englande whyche passed not lx. shot manfully, and a noble capitain called Baltier Delien and diverse other, but the Frenchemen wer so many in nombre and in good ordre, that thei slew viii. gentlemen of the Garrison of Guysnes, and xxx. Archers slain and many hurte, and so thei distrussed the victailes, and caused sir Nicholas Vaux, and sir Edward Belknappe to flie toward Guisnes. This misaventure fell by tariyng of the horsmen and breaking of array, for if tharchers had taried together it had happened otherwise, for the fewe Archers that held together, slewe and hurt diverse Frenchemen: For on the felde laie lxxxvii. great horse which never went thence, by the which it appered that the Frenchemenne went not quite a waie without losse. 

Hall, Edward, and Charles Whibley. 1904. Henry VIII. London: T.C. & E.C. Jack.

La Noue: Lancers vs. Reiters 1587

Whereupon I will say that although the squadrons of spears  do give a gallant charge, yet it can work no great effect, for at the outset it killeth none, yea it is a miracle if any be slain with the spear. Only it may wound some horses, and as for the shock it is many time of small force, where the perfect Reiter do never discharge their pistols but in joining and striking at hand, they wound, aiming always either at the face or at the thigh. The second rank also shooteth off so the forefront of the men-at-arms squadron is at the first meeting half overthrown and maimed. Although the first rank may with their spears do some hurt, especially to the horses, yet the other ranks following cannot do so,  at the least  the second and third, but are driven to cast away their spears and to help themselves with their swords. Herein we are to consider two things which experience hath confirmed. The one that the Reiter is never so dangerous as when they be mingled with the enemy, for then be they all fire. The other, that two squadrons meeting, they have scarce discharged the second pistol but either the one or the other turneth away. For they contesteth no longer as the Romans did against other nations, who oftentimes kept the field fighting two hours face to face before either party turned back. By all the afore-said reasons, I am driven to avow that a squadron of pistols doing their duties shall break a squadron of spears.

La Noue, François de, Edward Aggas, Thomas Orwin, and Thomas Cadman. 1587. The politicke and militarie discourses of the Lord de la Novve. Whereunto are adioyned certaine obseruations of the same author, of things happened during the three late ciuill warres of France. London: Printed for T. C[adman] and E.A[ggas] by T. Orwin. 

Williams: Lancers vs Reiters, 1590

Considering the resolute charge done with the might of their horses, the Launtiers are more terrible and make a farre better shew either in Muster or Battaile. For example, when the Almaines, during the time they carried Launces, carried a farre greater reputation than the do now being pistolers named Rutters. The most Chiefes of Souldiers of accompt are armed at the proofe of the pistol. If the leaders commaund their troupes to spoyle horses, the Launces are more sure, for divers pistols faile to go off: if charged it shakes in a man's hand so that often it touches neither man nor horse; if the charge bee too little it pierceth nothing to speak of. True it is, being pickt and chosen, the pistoliers murther more… but I was often in their companie when they ran away, three from one Launtier in great troupes and small… Without doubt, the Pistol discharged hard by, well charged, and with judgement, murthers more than the Launce; out of a hundred pistoliers, twentie nor scarce tenne at the most do neither charge pistol nor enter a squadron as they should, but commonlie and lightly always they discharge their pistols eight and five score off, and so wheele about: at which turnes the Launtiers charge then in the sides, be they well conducted… The Launtiers have or ought to have one pistol at the least.

Williams, Sir Roger. Briefe Discourse on Warre, 1590 p 50

Fourquevaux on Bows and Crossbows

Amongft other weapons leaft accuffomed, are the Bowe and the Croffebowe, which are two weapons that may do very good feruice against vnarmed men, or thofe that are ill armed, fpecially in wet weather, when the Harquebufier lofeth his feafon. And were it fo that the archers and croffebow men could carry about them their prouifion for their bowes and crossebowes, as eafily as y Harquebufiers may do theirs for their Harquebuffes I would commend them before the Harquebuffe, as well for their readineffe in fhooting, which is mutch more quicker, as alfo for the fureneffe of their fhot, which is almost never in vayne. And although the Harquebufier may fhoote further, notwithftanding the Archer and Croffebow man will kill a C, or CC, pafes off, afwell as the Harquebufier: and fometime the harneffe, except it be the better, can not hold out: and the vttermoft the remedy is that they fhould be brought as neere before they do fhoote as poffibly they may, and if it were fo handled, there would be more flaine by their fhot, then by twice as many Harquebufiers, and this I will prooue by one Croffebow man that was in Thurin, when as the Lord Marfhall of Annibault was Gouernour there, who, as I haue vnderftood, in fiue or fixe fkirmifhes, did kill and hurt more of our enemyes, then fiue or fixe of the beft Harquebufiers did, during the whole time of the fiege.

(1589 Translation of his Instructions sur le faict de la Guerre extraictes des livres de Polybe, Frontin, Vegèce, Cornazan, Machiavelle (Paris: Michel Vascosan, 1548)

Combat at the Barriers, Paris, 1514

First six foins with hand spears, and after that eight strokes to the most advantage if the spears so long held, and after that twelve strokes with sword......

At this tornay the Dolphyn was hurt in the hande, so that he coulde not performe hys chalenge at the barriers and put one of his ayde in his rome, the nexte daye after began the fight at the barriers and because the Dolphin was not present, the duke of Suffolke and the lorde Marques Dorsett that daye began the feld, and toke the barriers with speres in hand abydyng all commers. The Dolphin brought a man secretly, which in all the court of Fraunce was the tallest and the strongest man, & he as an Almayne and put him in the place of another person to haue had ye doke of Suffolke rebuked. The same great Almnyne came to the barres fyersly with face hyd, because he would not be knowen, and bare his spere to the duke of Suffolke with all his strength, and the duke him receiued, and for all his strength put hym by strong strokes from the barriers, and with the but ende of the spere strake the Almaine that he staggared, but for al that the Almayne strake strongly and hardly at the duke, and the iudges suffered many mo strokes to be foughten then were appoincted, but when they saw the Almayne rele & staggar, then they let fall the rayle betwene them. The lorde Marques Dorsett at the same time, euen at the same barre fought with a gentleman of Fraunce that he lost his spere, and in maner with drewe: When the rayle was let fall, these two noble men put vp their vysers & toke ayer, &; then they tooke swerdes with poynet & edges abated, and came to the barriers, and ye Almayne foughte sore with the duke, which imagened that he was a person set on for the nonce but ye duke by pure strength tooke hym about the necke, and pomeled so aboute the hed that the blood yssued out of his nose, & then they were departed, and the Almayne was conueyed by the Dolphyn lest he should be knowen. These twoo noble men of Englande that daye fought valiantly diuerse feates, and the Frenchmen likewise nobly them defended but it happened the lord Marques one time to put for his aide his youngest brother called the Lorde Edward Grey of the age of. xix. yere, and to hym was put a gentleman of Fraunce of greate stature and strength to thentente to plucke hym ouer the barres, but yet the younge Lorde was of suche strength, powre and pollecy, that he so stroke his aduersarie that he disarmed hym, al the face bare.

Hall, Edward. 1965. Hall's chronicle containing the history of England, during the reign of Henry the Fourth, and the succeeding monarchs, to the end of the reign of Henry the Eighth, in which are particularly described the manners and customs of those periods ; carefully collated with the ed. of 1548 and 1550. New York: AMS Press. 

A Bathhouse Shift Reminiscent of the Lengburg Finds

From 1585. Thanks to Tracy Justus for finding this.